Editorial: Social Security far from a 'Ponzi scheme'
As government programs go, Social Security
is enormously popular, one supported by all presidents of both parties
since its founding in 1935. It is the main reason that the percentage of seniors in poverty has dropped to roughly 10% from what many experts believe was more than 50% during the Great Depression. About 90% of voters of both parties
say it has been very good or good for the country. The great bulk of
Americans are no more interested in debating the utility and
constitutionality of Social Security than they are in debating who won World War II or whether man really landed on the moon in 1969.
All of which makes Texas Gov. Rick Perry's
views on Social Security both curious and troubling. At last
Wednesday's debate among Republican presidential candidates, he
reiterated his view that the program is a "Ponzi scheme" and "monstrous
lie." In previous appearances and in his writings, Perry — who is
leading recent polls of Republican voters — has also called Social
Security a failure and suggested it runs contrary to important
constitutional principles.
A Ponzi scheme? A failure? A lie? Really?
Yes,
Social Security has major funding problems. It pays out more in
benefits than it takes in, and the gap will grow steadily worse as Baby
Boomers retire. To that extent, Perry has a point. Congress, under both
Republican and Democratic control, has been negligent in making
necessary adjustments to bolster Social Security's balance sheet for the
long term. But the program's problems are largely the result of people
living longer, and therefore collecting more in benefits, rather than
some inherent structural shortcoming or constitutional failing.
Social
Security is most certainly not a Ponzi scheme, which is an undertaking
designed to swindle people out of their money by using incoming revenue
to produce bogus investment returns to attract more money (see Ponzi, Charles and Madoff, Bernard).
Ponzi
schemes have two salient features. First, they are criminal
enterprises, which Social Security is not. Second, they work only until
people get wind of what is going on, at which point they inevitably
collapse. Social Security's finances are plainly visible for all to see.
The imbalances emerging now are a surprise to no one, and modest
adjustments in tax rates, benefit formulas and the retirement age can
ensure the program's viability for generations to come.
Perry is playing to fears among younger voters
that Social Security won't be around for them; polls have shown that
more than 60% over those under 30 don't expect to collect. But even if
nothing is done, the program could still pay about three-quarters of
promised benefits at mid-century.
Perry has not made clear what he'd do with Social Security if elected president. Perhaps we'll hear more at tonight's Republican debate in Florida,
a hotbed of support for the program. In the past, Perry has pointed to
some kind of state or local opt-out, at least for government workers.
But, like the other major contenders, he has not fleshed out a
comprehensive plan.
Whatever changes he does propose, be they modest
or dramatic, overheated rhetoric only cast Perry as one more loud,
stubborn voice — obviously not the cure for what ails Washington. By
contrast, former president George W. Bush
put forth solidly Republican ideas on Social Security overhaul while
showing a healthy respect for the program and the problems that it
solved.
If Perry or another GOP candidate prevails in 2012, it will be more from President Obama's
inability to lift the economy out of the doldrums than to some supposed
desire on the part of the American public to rethink the long-standing
national consensus on Social Security. The rethinking that needs to
take place is in the governor's campaign headquarters.
